Somali Pirates hijack two ships in four days

The recent hijacking of two commercial vessels — the Cameroon-flagged M/V LUTUF off Somalia's Puntland coast and the Eritrean-flagged SIBU 1 tanker off Yemen — within a span of just four days has sent alarm bells ringing across the international maritime community. This sudden resurgence of Somali piracy, which had largely remained dormant since its peak in 2011–2012 when over 176 attacks were recorded in a single year, signals a dangerous shift in the security dynamics of the Western Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden. The root causes are deeply embedded in the prolonged state fragility in Somalia and the ongoing conflict in Yemen, both of which have created ungoverned spaces where non-state actors, including pirate networks, can regroup and operate with relative impunity. The collapse of central authority in Somalia after 1991, followed by decades of clan-based militancy and the rise of Al-Shabaab, has prevented the establishment of a functional coast guard or maritime law enforcement mechanism. Similarly, Yemen's civil war since 2014, involving Houthi rebels, the internationally recognized government, and a Saudi-led coalition, has devastated its naval capabilities and diverted attention from maritime security. The decline in international naval patrols — particularly the scaling down of the EU's Operation Atalanta, NATO's Operation Ocean Shield, and the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) Task Force 151 — has further created a security vacuum. These missions, which were instrumental in suppressing piracy through coordinated patrols, intelligence sharing, and prosecution support, have seen reduced participation due to shifting global priorities, including the Russia-Ukraine war and tensions in the South China Sea. As a result, the deterrence architecture that kept piracy at bay for over a decade is fraying. For India, the implications are profound and multi-dimensional. Over 50% of India's crude oil imports and a significant portion of its merchandise trade transit through the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden via the Suez Canal. Any disruption in this choke point directly impacts energy security, inflation, and supply chains. The Indian Navy has responded proactively under Operation Sankalp, launched in June 2019, to ensure safe passage for Indian-flagged and Indian-owned vessels in the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. The operation has since expanded to include anti-piracy patrols in the Western Indian Ocean, with deployments of frontline warships like INS Kolkata, INS Kochi, and INS Teg, alongside long-range maritime reconnaissance aircraft such as the P-8I Poseidon. These assets conduct surveillance, deterrence patrols, and rapid response missions, often in coordination with regional partners like Oman, Seychelles, and Mauritius. Constitutionally, India's maritime security mandate derives from Article 246 read with Entry 2 of the Union List (defence of India and every part thereof including preparation for defence and all such acts as may be conducive in times of war to its prosecution and after its termination to effective demobilisation), and Article 253 which empowers Parliament to make laws for implementing international treaties. The Indian Maritime Security Strategy (2015) and the National Maritime Domain Awareness (NMDA) framework operationalize this mandate. India is also a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), 1982, which provides the legal basis for combating piracy under Article 100 (duty to cooperate in repression of piracy) and Article 105 (right of seizure on high seas). Domestically, the Anti-Piracy Act, 2019, gives Indian courts jurisdiction over piracy offences committed anywhere on the high seas, enabling prosecution of captured pirates — a critical legal tool. Regionally, India's role as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is being tested. The resurgence coincides with increased Chinese naval presence in the region, including regular deployments of PLAN task forces and the establishment of a military base in Djibouti. This adds a strategic dimension to anti-piracy efforts, positioning them within the broader Indo-Pacific power competition. India's engagement through the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS), the Colombo Security Conclave, and bilateral maritime exercises (like VARUNA with France, MALABAR with the US, Japan, Australia) strengthens collective maritime domain awareness. Looking ahead, the trajectory will depend on three factors: the political stabilization of Somalia and Yemen, the reinvigoration of multilateral naval cooperation, and the capacity of littoral states to secure their exclusive economic zones (EEZs). For India, sustained investment in maritime surveillance (including satellite-based AIS tracking and coastal radar chains), capacity building of partner navies, and legal preparedness for prosecution will be essential. The current episode is not merely a law-and-order issue at sea — it is a litmus test for the resilience of the rules-based maritime order in the Indo-Pacific.