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Union Minister Kiren Rijiju holds bilateral meetings with several leaders on sidelines of NAM

Union Minister Kiren Rijiju conducted bilateral meetings with multiple national leaders during the NAM Summit in Belgrade, Serbia, focusing on strengthening bilateral cooperation across key sectors. As India's Parliamentary Affairs Minister, his diplomatic outreach underscores India's active engagement in the Non-Aligned Movement, a key forum for Global South solidarity. These interactions enhance India's multilateral diplomacy and strategic partnerships, relevant for international relations and current affairs sections in competitive exams.

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Union Minister Kiren Rijiju held bilateral meetings on sidelines of NAM Summit in Belgrade, Serbia

Meetings focused on bolstering bilateral cooperation and broadening engagement across vital sectors

Rijiju serves as Union Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, Government of India

Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Summit hosted in Serbia's capital Belgrade

Diplomatic outreach highlights India's active role in Global South and multilateral forums

Detailed analysis

Full exam-oriented breakdown

Union Minister Kiren Rijiju's bilateral engagements on the sidelines of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Summit in Belgrade, Serbia, represent a significant moment in India's contemporary diplomatic outreach. To understand the full weight of this development, we must first appreciate the historical and strategic context of the Non-Aligned Movement itself. Born in 1961 at the Belgrade Conference — ironically, the very city hosting this latest summit — NAM emerged as a collective voice of newly independent nations refusing to align with either the US-led Western bloc or the Soviet-led Eastern bloc during the Cold War. India, under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, was a founding architect alongside Yugoslavia's Tito, Egypt's Nasser, Indonesia's Sukarno, and Ghana's Nkrumah. The movement's core principles — respect for sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference, equality, and peaceful coexistence — were deeply influenced by India's own constitutional ethos, particularly Article 51 of the Directive Principles of State Policy, which mandates the State to "promote international peace and security" and "foster respect for international law and treaty obligations." Fast forward to 2024, and the geopolitical landscape has dramatically shifted. The Cold War is history, but new polarities have emerged — great power competition between the US and China, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, climate change, debt crises in the Global South, and the reform of multilateral institutions like the UN Security Council. In this context, NAM's 120 member states, representing nearly two-thirds of UN membership, remain a vital platform for Global South solidarity. India's participation at the ministerial level, led by Kiren Rijiju as Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, signals New Delhi's continued commitment to this forum. Notably, Rijiju's portfolio — overseeing legislative business, coordination with Parliament, and government-parliament relations — adds a unique dimension: his presence underscores the growing intersection of domestic legislative priorities with foreign policy objectives, especially as India pushes for reforms in global governance. The bilateral meetings Rijiju held with leaders from multiple nations — though specific counterparts were not detailed in the release — likely focused on expanding cooperation in areas such as trade, technology transfer, defence, pharmaceuticals, digital public infrastructure (like UPI and Aadhaar stacks), and climate resilience. These sectors align with India's "Development Partnership" model, which emphasizes demand-driven, no-strings-attached cooperation — a stark contrast to conditional aid models. For instance, India's vaccine diplomacy during COVID-19 (Vaccine Maitri), its leadership in the International Solar Alliance (ISA), and its push for a permanent UNSC seat all find resonance in NAM forums. Moreover, Serbia itself holds strategic importance: a European nation outside the EU, balancing ties with both Russia and the West, it mirrors India's own strategic autonomy. Strengthening ties with Belgrade enhances India's footprint in the Balkans, a region of growing geopolitical relevance. From a constitutional and institutional perspective, such diplomatic outreach operates under Article 73 (executive power of the Union extends to matters where Parliament has legislative competence) and Article 253 (power to make laws for implementing international agreements). The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), guided by the Prime Minister's Office and the National Security Council, coordinates these engagements, but parliamentary oversight — through committees like the Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs — ensures accountability. Rijiju's role as Parliamentary Affairs Minister also hints at efforts to build domestic political consensus on foreign policy, crucial in a vibrant democracy where opposition parties often scrutinize international agreements. Looking ahead, the implications are profound. As NAM prepares for its next summit and India positions itself as a "Vishwa Mitra" (friend of the world) and voice of the Global South — evidenced by its G20 presidency in 2023 and the Voice of Global South Summits — these bilateral threads will weave into a broader tapestry of multipolar diplomacy. Future outcomes may include joint declarations on UN reform, coordinated positions at the WTO and COP summits, and expanded development partnerships in Africa, Latin America, and the Pacific. For aspirants, this episode is not just a current affairs snippet — it is a living case study of how constitutional mandates, historical legacy, and strategic calculus converge in India's foreign policy. Understanding this interplay is essential for mastering International Relations, Polity, and Governance sections across UPSC, State PSC, SSC, and other competitive examinations.

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